Arthington is located on terrain that is hilly and uneven. It lies about two miles in from the St. Paul’s River and four miles northwest of Millsburg. [footnote]”Arthington, Liberia,” African Repository, Nov. 1873, p. 337.[/footnote]
The town is named in honor of Robert Arthington of Leeds, England, who funded the relocation of its founders from the southern United States. [footnote]”Arthington, Liberia,” African Repository, Nov. 1873, p. 337.[/footnote]
The site selected for Arthington was previously “impenetrable forest, six miles from any settlement.” According to Edward W. Blyden, the “only sounds to be heard were those made by birds on the tops of the lofty trees. There was no opening through the thick forest and dense undergrowth but the narrow path traveled for generations.” [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
The first group of 79 repatriates, led by Alonzo Hoggard, came from Windsor, North Carolina. In December 1869, they landed in Liberia. While the women and children stayed in Monrovia, the men began clearing the land in March 1870. [footnote]”Arthington, Liberia,” African Repository, Nov. 1873, p. 337; “Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
They had to contend “with the unbroken wilderness, make clearings and build their huts, eating the fare which, after dividing with their families, was left to them from the [American Colonization] Society’s rations.” [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
Like many repatriates from the U. S. after the Civil War, those who settled Arthington were dirt poor when they arrived. But, as noted by the New Era newspaper, they were “intelligent, active, industrious, and enterprising.” [footnote]”Arthington, Liberia,” African Repository, Nov. 1873, p. 337.[/footnote]
Three of their leaders were Alonzo Hoggard, Solomon York and Richard Rayner. Their progress was described by a visitor who arrived skeptical but left impressed.
Hoggard, for example, had “no assistance from native boys, no aid but four small sons, and with them alone he has planted out five thousand coffee trees and is cultivating one-and-a-half acres in potatoes, two acres in cassava, four acres in rice, one-half acre in eddies, besides many garden vegetables.” He also had eight hogs. [footnote]”Arthington, Liberia,” African Repository, Nov. 1873, p. 337.[/footnote]
Within three years, York had “nearly three thousand coffee trees growing, many bearing, and a large supply of cassavas, eddies, and other bread stuff.” Rayner, too, had planted a large lot of coffee. He also had “some acres of sugar-cane, some ginger, and his wife offers to sell a few barrels of Indian corn, the result of her own industry.” [footnote]”Arthington, Liberia,” African Repository, Nov. 1873, p. 337.[/footnote]
The first group was joined in 1871 by repatriates from Clayhill, South Carolina led by Jefferson Bracewell. The second group included Solomon Hill and June Moore, who together formed one of the country’s most prosperous trading companies. [footnote]”Arthington, Liberia,” African Repository, Nov. 1873, p. 337.[/footnote]
According to Edward W. Blyden, a frequent visitor to Arthington, some members of this second group knew the African ethnic groups to which they were connected. Hill was one. His mother was Gola, he said, and his father was from an ethnic group along the Niger. [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
With the aid of his seven sons, Bracewell cleared and planted thirty acres in one year. A visitor in 1873 noted, he had “1,100 coffee trees, made his large crops of rice, potatoes, and eddoes, so as to supply his own family; imported a sugar-mill, and made his own sugar and syrup last season. He has made a large coffee nursery, and is now tanning some of the best leather used in this country.” [footnote]”Arthington, Liberia,” African Repository, Nov. 1873, p. 337.[/footnote]
Bracewell had been so perpetually busy, a reporter for the New Era newspaper joked, he had no time to get sick. “His wife and daughter spin and weave all the cloth that he and those boys wear, and he has built with his own hands his own dwelling house, outside store-house, weaving and loom house for his wife, and a house for tanning.” [footnote]”Arthington, Liberia,” African Repository, Nov. 1873, p. 337.[/footnote]
Even more successful was Hill, a carpenter, cabinet maker, blacksmith, engineer and farmer who could neither read nor write. He arrived in 1871 with $30, all of which was spent to build his first temporary residence. By 1889, a visitor called him “probably the most independent man” in West Africa. [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]Hill planted 180 acres of coffee alone, along side foodstuff.
In 1889, he had “more than fifty bags of coffee from last season, which he has been under no necessity to sell. It is now thoroughly cured and will command a high price. He will produce ten thousand pounds of coffee this season, besides other agricultural articles.” [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
Hill also built his own house, “a large two story frame building with verandah and attic, and outhouses …some covered (roof and sides) with corrugated iron.” [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
A visitor called the furniture Hill built “specimens of first-rate workmanship, and being made of native wood procured on his land, is far superior to anything of its kind he could import. His skill would command patronage in any city in the world.” [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
As a blacksmith, Hill made his own tools. “His lathe for turning wood and iron was constructed by himself in a very simple but effective style.” [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
One of his greatest contributions was as a mentor to area youth. According Edward W. Blyden, who visited in 1889, two Kpelle youth trained by Hill had “their own coffee farms and live in neat frame houses, cultivating from thirty to fifty acres of land. One of them has recently married a highly esteemed colonist, widow of one of the late prominent settlers.” [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
A New Era reporter noted that Rev. Moore seemed to be competing with Hill, his neighbor and business partner, in planting coffee and foodstuff. In 1873, Moore had 700 coffee trees and a large coffee nursery. He was also self-sufficient in potatoes, cassava and eddoes. [footnote]”Arthington, Liberia,” African Repository, Nov. 1873, p. 337.[/footnote]
Moore reportedly received most of his religious training in Liberia. He told a visitor he knew “nothing of religion in America. He belonged to a Presbyterian family, but he had no religious impressions till he came to Africa. Here he became converted, joined the Baptist church, entered the ministry, and has recently been elected pastor of the church.” [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
In 1889, the church was planning to build a larger sanctuary. The original building was now too small for the congregation, many of whom were Indigenous Africans.[footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
By the early 1880s Arthington was the site of the AME Mount Carmel Church, the Lutheran Muhlenberg Mission school and a Baptist church that included 66 “native” congregants, with native students in the schools. [footnote]Liberia Bulletin, 4, pp. 13-16; Cassell 1970, pp. 281, 284, 313, 322, 341, 343, 379.[/footnote]
In 1883, the local Union League Society was incorporated, naming George Askie, S.R. Hoggard, Solomon York, James H. Rawlhac, McGilbert Lawrence, W. L. Askie, S.W. Askie, Robert Mitchell and W. L. Carter]. [footnote] Acts of the Liberian Legislature, 1883, p. 19.[/footnote]
Four years later, the national legislature gave seventy five acres of land for the Anna Morris School of Arthington, with Edward S. Morris as sole trustee. [footnote] Acts of the Liberian Legislature, 1887, p. 3.[/footnote]
In 1888 it was estimated that Arthington alone was producing large quantities of ginger and other produce for local markets, along with 100,000 pounds of coffee for export, 10 percent of which was by Hill and Moore. [footnote]C. A. Cassell. (1970). Liberia. New York: Fountainhead, p. 242, 244, 263, 343; T. W. Shick. (1980). Behold the Promised Land. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, p. 75, Table 17, p. 108; M. B. Akpan (1973). “Black Imperialism.” The Canadian Journal of African Studies, pp. 217-236; African Repository, 34 (1858), pp. 68-70; A. B. Williams. (1878). The Liberian Exodus. Charleston, South Carolina: The News and Courier Book Presses, p. 47.[/footnote]
Also that year, Arthington and neighboring Clay Ashland were in the grips of an enthusiastic temperance movement that resulted in a law banning the sale of liquor in the two towns, both major producers of sugar cane.[footnote] TWP, 1969, p. 28; Cassell, 1970, pp. 189, 216, 264, 341, 344.[/footnote]
Arthington and other St. Paul’s River towns benefited from the technical innovations of the local Muhlenburg Mission, a vocational school led by Rev. John Day. When Edward W. Blyden visited in 1889, the school’s large workshop was being conducted by Clement Irons, who emigrated in 1878 from Charleston, South Carolina. [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
Blyden noted, “they build arts and wheelbarrows, run steam engines, make farming implements, &c. Mr. Irons has constructed a steamboat for the river of native timber. It was launched from the mission a few weeks ago by the pupils only — 75 of them took hold of it and pushed it from the mission hill down into the water.” He called the school “a model for missions in this country.” [footnote]”Visit to Arthington, African Repository, April 1889, p. 44.[/footnote]
In 1893, a fifth regiment was added to the national militia, with troops to be drawn from Arthington, along with Clay-Ashland, Louisianna, Millsburg, Harrisburg, Muhlenburg, White Plains, Robertsville, Crozerville, Bensonville and Careysburg. [footnote] Acts of the Liberian Legislature, 1893, p. 6.[/footnote]
When the Saint Paul’s Baptist Church was incorporated in 1896, Rev. June Moore was pastor with deacons J.C. Taylor, Solomon Hill, E. Ponder, V.L. Miller, Henry Taylor and George Askie. [footnote]Acts of the Liberian Legislature, Acts 1896, p. 37.[/footnote]
At the time of his death on Dec. 25, 1898, Rev. June Moore was president of the Liberia Baptist Convention, which he and other successful farmers and traders had contributed significantly to making self-sufficient. [footnote]C. A. Cassell. (1970). Liberia. New York: Fountainhead, p. 242, 244, 263, 343; T. W. Shick. (1980). Behold the Promised Land. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, p. 75, Table 17, p. 108; M. B. Akpan (1973). “Black Imperialism.” The Canadian Journal of African Studies, pp. 217-236; African Repository, 34 (1858), pp. 68-70; A. B. Williams. (1878). The Liberian Exodus. Charleston, South Carolina: The News and Courier Book Presses, p. 47.[/footnote]
In the 1905 elections, the TWP nominees for Montserrado were R. H. Jackson for the senate and C. R. Branch of Arthington, Henry Moses Ricks of Clay-Ashland, C. C. Porte of Crozierville and A. B. Mars of Paynesville for the House. The Dissatisfied Whigs, aligned with Coleman, endorsed R. H. Jackson, but put forward the names of J. B. Dennis of Monrovia, W. B. Gant of Brewerville, Z. N. Brown of New Georgia and George Dixon of Sasstown. [footnote]African Agricultural World, February 1905; African Agricultural World, March 1905.[/footnote]
In the early 1900s, as brass bands and fraternal lodges were proliferating in many coastal communities, Arthington was not to be left out. In 1916, the local Number One Brass Band was formed, with John Moore, band director; Johnny Bracewell, band master; W. H. Tyler, band instructor; Scott Carter, band leader; James Hoggard, financial secretary; Emma Tyler, band treasurer; Solomon Miller, boatswain; Thomas H. Tyler, band patron; and members: Joseph Bracewell and Jerry Jones. [footnote]Acts of the Liberian LegislatureActs 1916, p. 12.[/footnote]
That same year, the Coleman’s Memorial Lodge No. 134, United Brothers of Friendship of Arthington was incorporated, naming Thomas H. Tyler, p.m.; June Moore, p.m.; W. H. Tyler, w. m.; H. W. Davies, d. m.; Willie A. Moore, w. s.; Francis Hill, assistance secretary; James Clarke, chaplain; David Moore, marshall; trustees: John Moore and Henry Hill; W. H. Tyes, treasurer; Charles R. Askie, pilot; and Lot Hill. [footnote] Acts of the Liberian Legislature, Acts 1916, p. 13.[/footnote]
The Saint Paul’s Baptist Church was reorganized in 1917-18, with Rev. R. B. Wicker, pastor; J. C. Taylor, sen.; Solomon Hill, sen.; George Askie, church clerk; Thomas H. Tyler, building treasurer; and deacons: George Askie, Eli Poner, Henry Tylor, E. Samuel Moore and Menford F. Smallwood. [footnote]Acts of the Liberian Legislature, Acts 1917-18, p. 37.[/footnote]
In 1935, the Queen Esther Household of Ruth No. 5743 of the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows was formed. Listed as officers were L. N. B. Tyler, past most noble governor; Rebecca Bracewell, most noble governor; Mary Lawrence, right noble governor; L. A. Hill, recorder; G. B. Groove, noble governor and chamberlain; L. B. Turbett, shepherd and usher; W. H. Tyler, treasurer; H. M. Moore, worthy counsel; Hattie Brisbane, right senior steward; and trustees A. E. Diggs, A. E. Gall and P. J. Bracewell. [footnote] Acts of the Liberian Legislature, Acts 1935, pp. 38-39.[/footnote]
Two years later, the legislature approved the “Pride of Arthington Temple” No. 137, Sisters of the Mysterious Ten, naming Beatrice A. Tyler, worthy princess; Salomi Moore, worthy vice princess; Lillian Hill, secretary; L. B. Tucker, assitant secretary; W. H. Tyler, worthy treasurer; Lilly Mason, chaplain; Penelope Moore, zilla; Viola Tyes, marshal; Hannah Moore, senior marshal; trustees: June Moore, Willie Moore, Reginald L. Brown, Daniel B. Warner, Major M. Branch; sick committee: Julia A. Warner, Margaret Grove, Cordelia Moore, Lecretia Raynes and Nora Cooper; and members: Louise Mars, Elfreda Witherspoon, Mattie Branch, Harriet Trinity, Beatrice Moore, Eugenia Turkle and Dianah Obey. [footnote] Acts of the Liberian Legislature, Acts 1937, pp. 92-93.[/footnote]
In 1938, Attorney General Louis A. Grimes in an arbitration ordered that the sum of $181.60 be paid to resident Charles Vanah Wright as compensation for use by the government of his house and entire premises as a “pest house” in 1929 for housing small pox cases. [footnote] Acts of the Liberian Legislature, Acts 1938, p. 64.[/footnote]
Author: Patrick
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Seeing Cooperation, Not Just Conflict
Hours spent with neighborhood friends fishing in Stockton Creek, hunting birds with slingshots and playing soccer led me to see Liberia as a quilt woven from many cultures. That insight would deepen during my years at St. Patrick’s High School, which drew students from all parts of Liberia and diverse economic backgrounds.
Getting to St. Patrick’s, on the opposite side of Monrovia, required taking a “holeh, holeh” bus, crowded with fellow passengers from all walks of life.
My route involved stops at Point Four, Logan Town, Free Port, Clara Town, Vai Town and Waterside Market, before heading uptown to the fancy shops, government offices and cinemas on Broad Street. Those years planted the seeds that germinated into these book.
My approach to history is rooted in the view that ethnic groups and polities are dynamic, not frozen. It assumes that relationships between groups throughout history are characterized, not just by conflicts, but also by cooperation too. I also strive to present the history of Liberians in connection with the rest of Africa and larger trends in the world.
The Ill Fruits of Liberian “Book Men
Proud as I am to call myself a scholar, I fully understand why many Liberians today distrust and even revile “book people.Their cynicism stems from this bitter truth: Liberia’s most prominent and vocal “scholars” have borne mostly ill fruits.
For 40 years, Liberia has been held hostage by discredited ideas and policies promoted by a small group of advocates masquerading as scholars. Many have never undergone a blind review process. For them, a Ph. D. is a ticket to a political career.
These “scholars” operate as guns for hire, willing to say and write whatever pleases their political paymasters. As a result, worthless ideas never die. In the absence of blind review, they just get recycled over and over again.
Giving Voice to the Voiceless
Scholar. Intellectual. “Book man.” These have become cuss words among some Liberians. But not for me.
I have devoted my life to scholarship. I more than enjoy it. I love it. And I’m proud of what I do. Why?
Unlike many other fields, success in scholarship is based mainly on the merit of a person’s ideas. Not charisma. Not looks. Not “who you know.” Ideas don’t win because someone with a big reputation pushes them. Instead, good ideas enhance the reputation of the scholars who push them.
Weeding Out Bad Ideas
Scholarly research rests upon a system of checks and balances. Each field has its own association. Mechanical engineers are separate from historians of ancient India. At least once a year, each group sponsors a competition to find the best ideas in their field.
To ensure winners based on merit, these associations accept submissions from anyone in their field without regard to name or rank. At the heart of these competitions is a “double-blind” review process.
People who submitted ideas and those who judge their submissions are known by numbers, not their names. That way scholars who submit papers don’t know who the judges are. And judges don’t know them either. As a result, judges can’t favor their friends or punish their enemies.
But that is just the first step in a long process. Anyone whose paper is chosen must present his or her ideas at a public and open meeting. In that context, scholars will receive comments and criticism designed to improve their ideas.
After that, scholars face another blind-review process when they submit their ideas for publication. Here, too, anonymous reviewers will judge if the ideas are fit for publication in academic journals or books.
The research process is not perfect. No human system is. But it consistently weeds out bad ideas and advance good ones. For 100s of years, it has produced improvements in daily life. Electricity, crime control, early childhood education. All of these fields exist, thanks to scholarship-for-hire, available to the highest bidders.
BBC’s Slavery and Salvation
The email arrived on March 11, 2019, inviting me to participate in the second series of History of Africa with Zeinab Badawi. My name had been suggested by Robtel Pailey, one of Liberia’s leading young scholars based in the U. K. I was thrilled!
Asked by one of the producers to suggest a location for the on-site recording, I proposed using the Atlantic Ocean as a backdrop. After all, the ocean exercised such a shaping influence on the contours of Liberian history.
First, there was the sea salt trade that linked this region to the Sahelian empires. Then there was the Portuguese arrival, which redirected West African trade from north to south and caused a realignment in regional power dynamics.
During the slave trade, our lack of natural harbors kept this area from becoming a major exporter of enslaved Africans. In addition, the African-America repatriates arrived via the Atlantic.
My segment was shot from the roof-top of the exquisite Capitol Room Lounge, near the cliff of Mamba Point.
In this episode, Zeinab Badawi visits Ghana and sees how momentum in the trans Atlantic slave trade led to competition for enslaved Africans between European nations who built numerous slave forts along West Africa’s Atlantic coast.
She hears about the inhumane conditions in which slaves awaiting shipment were kept and how women were selected and subjected to rape by their captors.
She also asks what do African academics believe were the main reasons behind abolition and why did many Africans return to the continent such as to Liberia? And how were they received by local communities?
The episode first aired Oct 18, 2020. Watched by 501,877 viewers, the show changed the trajectory of my career. Thanks to Robtel for the plug and to Karton Zawolo for the use of the Capitol Room.
Organized knowledge
For people who are trained to write about the past, history is more than just “stories;” it is “organized knowledge.” In order to organize knowledge of the past, historians must draw evidence from a variety of sources.
For one of my upcoming books, I used many, many documents that were first published in Arabic, Portuguese, Spanish and French.
In addition to documents, I draw evidence from oral traditions, archaeological digs, historical linguistics, studies of cultural patterns embedded in masks and other forms of material culture, regional and continental histories that provide essential context, and even biological anthropology.
Asking critical questions
Organizing knowledge involves more than assembling multiple sources. Historians must ask critical questions about each one: Is it authentic? Is it original? Is it reliable? Is it typical? Who created it? When and where and why was it created? Their goal is to “choose reliable sources, to read them reliably, and to put them together in ways that provide reliable narrates about the past.”
This means historians cannot simply assume that sources are telling the truth.
In our battle against racism in scholarship, Africa-centered historians can neither ignore nor bend counter evidence. Doing so deceives our readers, dishonors our ancestors, and diminishes our own reputations. Instead, our writing must involve a constant conversation between the perspective and the evidence.
Just as West African farmers burn a field to clear it of weeds, fell trees and bush, anyone writing African history must first tackle the long, poisoned legacy of racism in Western scholarship.
Burning the Poisonous Weeds
Racism is evident in Liberian studies in the continued classification of the Gola and Kru-speaking people as “hunters and gathers.” That label implies placement at the lower rung of an evolutionary chain with a corresponding lack of “civilization.” But, many transnational corporations today are dependent on “hunting and gathering” timber and seafood from around the world. Why, then, are they considered more civilized that the Gola who trafficked in kola from the forest and the Kru who harvested fish from the ocean?
Despite evidence of local agriculture, pottery and iron smelting, the presence of hunting is used by racist scholars to suggest that some people living in the area of Liberia before 1820 were stuck at a “primitive” stage.
However, it is clear that hunting persisted in many parts of West Africa because wild game was plentiful and the presence of the tsetse fly inhibited the keeping of livestock. What is more, the devastating impact of slave-trading actively fueled underdevelopment.
The use of words like “fetish,” “witch,” “country devil” and countless others keep African culture trapped in a language web that portrays it as “strange,” “weird,” even “evil.” Instead of challenging this negative discourse, some Western-educated Africans argue for the continued use of those demeaning words because they are widely used by uneducated Africans.
In truth, uneducated Africans copied those pejorative words from their educated brethren of an earlier era who copied them from Western missionaries and “scholars.” Instead of “blaming the victims,” we, educated Africans, must accept responsibility for fixing the problem, since we helped to legitimize this language of racial inferiority.
Escaping Our Unfounded “Shame”
While a lack of evidence has slowed research on Liberians before 1820, so too has a sense of “shame” about our history. Our unfounded “embarrassment” stems mainly from the way our history has been portrayed by Arab Muslims and European Christians.
The result is an estrangement from our history, an alienation often accepted as the price for being true Muslims or Christians. If Arabs and white Christians lived by that standard, they would reject pagan traditions that have been incorporated into their contemporary religious practices. Instead, they celebrate the pre-Christian cultures of Arabia, Greece and Rome.
To break out of a patronizing Eurocentric discourse, we must deliberately use more neutral words to describe African culture, such as ethnic group (not “tribe”) and energy or power (not “spirit”).